Home Care Is Broken. Can Congress Fix It?

By Reed Abelson, The New York Times

Spinal surgery four years ago left Alene Shaheed in a wheelchair and dependent on short daily visits from home health aides to help her get around.

But her support system fell apart this year during the prolonged coronavirus pandemic, and her routine care became unpredictable. Four agencies serving her hometown, Jacksonville, Florida, failed to provide aides regularly, due to severe shortages of the low-wage workers.

“If no one comes for three days, I don’t get a bath for three days,” said the 76-year-old. “I don’t have anyone to fix meals, so I’m eating ramen noodles until someone gets there.”

About 800,000 people are on waiting lists to receive subsidized home care. For millions of Americans, finding reliable and affordable assistance to stay at home — instead of moving into a nursing home, where COVID-19 killed tens of thousands of people — has never seemed more urgent.

Expanding home and community-based services is part of the legislative package that President Joe Biden and Democrats have proposed. At this stage of negotiations in Congress, the amount for such programs under Medicaid — partly to increase the historically low wages of home care workers — has been reduced to $150 billion from $400 billion over eight years.

“We’re going to expand services for seniors so families can get help from well-trained, well-paid professionals to help them take care of their parents at home — to cook a meal for them, to get their groceries for them, to help them get around, to help them live in their own home with the dignity they deserve to be afforded,” Biden said Thursday.

Will the amount in the current plan be enough? Supporters say the new health care money would shift Medicaid’s decadeslong bias away from nursing home care. Many experts doubt promises that this round of funding can fix a system as broken as home care, especially as the growing retirement of the boomer generation requires more assistance to stay independent and strains health care funding.

“You have to be very realistic about the amount of need you have in the system right now,” said David Grabowski, a professor of health care policy at Harvard Medical School. The $150 billion does represent a significant influx of funds, but there are limits, he said: “Once you start to do the math, the dollars don’t go as far as you’d like.”

States are required to use Medicaid funds to cover nursing home care, but states have considerable leeway under federal regulations to decide how much should be allocated to provide home and community-based services.

People who need help with tasks like feeding themselves, getting dressed or taking medication must often qualify for a Medicaid waiver to get home care. Medicaid, a federal-state program that is the primary source of coverage for long-term care, spends about $114 billion a year on these home and community-based services, representing well over half of the overall spending on long-term care. About 2.5 million people received waivers in 2018, according to the latest data available in a report by the Kaiser Family Foundation.

Medicare, the federal insurance program for older and disabled adults, does not cover long-term care, and it limits the kind of home care people can receive.

It’s well known that demand far outstrips supply for home care for those who want to live independently. Some people may have private insurance or pay for the care themselves.

Under Medicaid, the waiting lists for older and disabled Americans wanting home care keep growing because states cap enrollment. Most people on the lists live in states that did not expand Medicaid, according to a Kaiser analysis.

Benefits for home care also vary widely from state to state. For example, someone in Pennsylvania is eligible for about $50,000 a year under Medicaid for home or community services, while someone in Iowa may get only $21,000.

The lack of funding “really forces older adults into institutions,” said Amber Christ, an attorney with Justice in Aging, a nonprofit group. The new congressional package, she said, means that “we have an opportunity to flip the script.”

She and other advocates plan to push for additional money. “We’re going to keep working to increase funding because more is needed to ensure all aging adults and people with disabilities have the option to receive the care they need at home,” she said in an email.

Increasing wages for home health workers has been a contentious provision for Republicans, who see it as a giveaway to unions and would limit states’ flexibility in spending new funds.

Without detailed legislative language, calculating how the proposed $150 billion in the Democrats’ proposal will be spent is still guesswork.

Jonathan Gruber, a health economist at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said the lower figure would provide home services for perhaps 1 million more people and create about 400,000 new jobs. That could include jobs for caretakers like family members who are unpaid but unable to go to work.

But if the amount gets cut further — and negotiations on the bill are far from over — supporters warn that states may be less willing to expand services.

“We need a big investment,” said Nicole T. Jorwic, senior director of public policy at The Arc, an advocacy group for people with physical and developmental disabilities. The bill has to provide at least $150 billion so “states will see the value and worth of taking it up,” she said.

Even that level of funding might not eliminate the waiting lists, but “it will help take people off,” she said.

Under the American Rescue Plan Act passed by Congress this year, all states made use of temporary funds allocated to shore up home and community-based services, Jorwic said.

Still, the issue of wages in a pandemic economy in which people are shunning lower-rung jobs bodes ill for the home health industry, whose workers have long been paid far less than others in service industries. Some businesses now pay $15 an hour or more, luring away those in underpaying jobs and leaving the vulnerable without reliable help.

About 70% of long-term care workers earn less than $30,000 a year, according to Kaiser, and they are more likely to live in poverty. “It’s the same person who is aging into poverty and who is going to get pushed into a nursing home,” said Christ of Justice in Aging.

While details are sparse, the proposed legislation would require states to prove that the funds were funneled toward higher wages. “This would be the first time that there was a large federal investment to increase wages,” Jorwic said.

Higher wages are critical to finding more aides for those like Shaheed in Florida. “They’re no longer able to find anyone willing to come in for the low wages they are paying,” she said. “Nobody is going to come and help me for $10 an hour.”

For those who have had to wait to qualify for financial aid for home care, the difference is palpable.

People like Stephen Grammer, who has cerebral palsy, were warned since childhood that they faced institutionalization if home care could not be routinely provided.

In his 20s, Grammer spent nearly a decade in a nursing home after his mother became ill. He chafed at the restrictions imposed on him while he was living with older adults with Alzheimer’s. If he left the premises, he had to be back by midnight or it would count against the 18 nights a year he was allowed to be outside.

“When I had to use the restroom, I would press the call button, and many times the workers would come and turn off my call light and would walk away even though I had to go to the bathroom,” he said by email.

Grammer, who uses an electric wheelchair and advocates for disabled individuals these days, eventually qualified for a Medicaid waiver and another state program that provides housing. Now at 41, he lives on his own in Roanoke, Virginia, and someone comes in 16 hours a day, from 6 a.m. to 2 p.m. and from 4 p.m. to midnight.

“I have the freedom to come and go as I please,” Grammer said.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

City Looks to Contract Out Recreation Services

While the majority of public recreation programs aren’t expected to return until late spring or early summer next year, the city of Scotts Valley is looking at how it could provide these community services as efficiently as possible.

At a special joint study session with the City Council and the Scotts Valley Parks & Recreation Commission, the idea of contracting out some of the programs the City used to operate in-house took center stage.

After the novel coronavirus struck, Scotts Valley laid off its entire Recreation Division (except for the recreation manager), since it was clear it wouldn’t be making any money off program fees anytime soon. But now, with most of the population vaccinated, and Skypark having just received a new carpet of grass, City planners have been looking towards a rebirth for parks and rec.

The review of a report prepared by Management Partners, held Sept. 29, took aim at the pre-pandemic average of $250,000 Scotts Valley had been investing in recreation programming. It identified opportunities to partner with neighboring municipalities for some activities, and to hand over the day-to-day provision of others to private parties.

The local government consulting firm recommended the City continue to handle facility rentals, including sport field uses and special events programming, but said it should consider contracting Siltanen Swimming Pool aquatics programs to Santa Cruz County, Boulder Creek Recreation and Park District, or the Boys and Girls Club of Santa Cruz County.

The Management Partners’ report, titled the “Recreation Services Assessment and Restoration Plan,” recommended collaborating with Capitola or Santa Cruz for classes and adult sports programs, and encouraged the creation of a separate nonprofit board to oversee the Scotts Valley Senior Center.

And how many full-time staffers should work in the Recreation Division? According to Management Partners, the answer is three—a manager, a coordinator and an administrative assistant.

Before the pandemic, the division was staffed with two senior directors, a coordinator, a secretary and a manager, who also assisted with the child care program when its staff were away.

“As a result, she spent much of her time directly involved with day-to-day programs which took time away from managing the division,” according to the consultant report.

And the City should conduct a facility fee study, Management Partners also recommended.

Interim City Manager Brian Haddix characterized the direction Scotts Valley is heading not as “privatization” but as a way for the City to serve its citizens more proficiently through a series of agreements that would cut down on overhead.

“Privatization is when you lose control—you turn over the activities to someone else entirely,” he said. “Contracting-out is when you contract with another party to do the activity, but you still have control over it.”

Public Works Director Chris Lamm said many existing recreation programs are already managed by other parties, such as little league, soccer and girls softball.

“All of those are programs that are much-beloved by the community, and utilize City facilities, but they’re not City-run programs necessarily,” he said. “As we look forward to bringing those programs that were cut back online, we’re looking at what’s the best model to do that.”

Management Partners recommended Scotts Valley “transfer responsibility” of organizing sports leagues, for both adults and youth, to local groups.

According to Lamm, for the programs that have traditionally been run by the City, Scotts Valley officials would still take “the lead” in a service restart.

“The one thing we’re looking at is whether or not it makes sense for the City to hire staff to physically run those programs directly, or, can we have the best quality of service and user experience met with a better business model to provide that service,” he said.

The Management Partners report noted that staff is dedicated to its programs and takes a hands-on approach.

“However, due to this heavy daily involvement, many of the administrative duties were difficult to complete,” it reads. “These include lack of data collection, use of technology, marketing, fee studies and cost recovery goals, training, networking within the parks and recreation profession, and use of best practices.”

It also states that the amount of time required for staff to handle work related to commissions, committees and special events was “not recognized by many City leaders.”

Haddix says contracting out could allow Scotts Valley to get high-quality programming from a provider that covers its own administrative costs by working with a variety of clients.

“By spreading those fixed costs out we pay less,” he said. “That means the savings that we get, we can apply to additional services. So, the community benefits from professional services, and the City gets a savings, allowing it to turn around and enhance the overall recreation picture it presents to the community.”

In his prior job, as assistant public works director in Menlo Park, Lamm helped manage land development, utilities and capital improvements, but recreation was in a separate department.

However, he told the Press Banner he’s seen how contracting out for professional engineering services—particularly in the design stage—could be a helpful tool for a community.

In the report, Management Partners said its recommendations “can realistically be implemented in the next six months to allow recreation services to be fully restored” in Scotts Valley.

The company said Scotts Valley should evaluate the current child care program at Brook Knoll Elementary School and consider long-term agreements with both Scotts Valley Unified School District and the Boys and Girls Club of Santa Cruz County, to allow this type of arrangement to continue.

Child Care in California hasn’t Rebounded; Why Many Workers aren’t Returning

By Grace Gedye, CalMatters

For Tonya Muhammad, who runs Lil Critters Family Daycare in Hawthorne, spring of 2020 was, in a word, “horrible.” The early rush on cleaning supplies meant that she and her husband had to criss-cross Los Angeles to find disinfectant, sourcing bottles of Lysol from a dental supply company and aloe vera from a local nursery to make homemade hand sanitizer.  

But that wasn’t the worst of it. Muhammad’s assistant left, fearing for the health of her grandmother, whom she lived with. That was in March of 2020, and Muhammad hasn’t been able to find a replacement since, despite posting the job on Indeed, Facebook Jobs and at a nearby community college. “I’ve even paid for fingerprints for a couple (of applicants) and then there’s just no follow up,” said Muhammad.

Without the watchful eyes of a second adult, she’s had to reduce the number of kids she looks after from 14 to 6, and has gone from being a 24-hour day care to operating from 6 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. She estimates that her income from the day care has fallen by more than half.

California lost about 27,800 child care workers between February and April of 2020 — or roughly a third of its workforce — according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. From then through September of 2021, about 19,600 have come back. Still, the workforce is about 10% smaller than it was pre-pandemic. 

Even before the pandemic, however, there wasn’t enough child care available in California to meet families’ needs. Labor issues that long bubbled below the surface are now driving acute staffing shortages: low pay, long hours and limited benefits. That makes it hard to earn a living in the industry that supports the rest of the economy.

Child care providers find themselves stretching across a gap between what parents are able to afford and the wages they need to offer in order to attract and retain staff.

The state of California plays a role here: It reimburses some child care providers who care for low and moderate income families, at rates advocates argue have long been too low. In June, a new union representing home child care providers who work with families receiving state subsidies won workers a 15% raise from the state.  

Still most Californian child care is provided through the private market. And that system has failed miserably, says Elena Montoya, a senior research and policy associate at UC Berkeley’s Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. “The current (labor) shortage is a result of placing the burden of paying for child care on parents, rather than acknowledging that child care is a public good.”

A pandemic was the last thing child care providers needed. Day care centers weren’t sure what the COVID-19 rules would be for them and were struggling to secure protective gear, said Cecilia Rojas, resource and referral manager at Crystal Stairs Inc., a Los Angeles-based organization that helps families find child care. Some child care workers quit to take care of their own school-aged children, who were suddenly stuck at home. Others left because they were worried about being exposed to the virus. Parents pulled their kids out of day care, leading to budget shortfalls and closures.

Federal and state relief funds did help keep child care facilities open. A survey of early childhood educators conducted by the National Association for the Education of Young Children in early summer found that nearly half of the 1,200 respondents in California said they would have had to close were it not for the aid. 

But the federal funds, said Montoya, “as important and terrific as they are, they really are a short-term stopgap to avoid the total collapse of the system.” 

California did make a large investment in transitional kindergarten in July, committing $2.7 billion to expand free transitional kindergarten to all 4-year-olds across the state by the school year that starts in 2025.  Proponents consider that a game-changer; some child care operators fear it could undercut their business model as they lose 4-year-olds whose tuition helps cover the higher cost of caring for infants. 

In the meantime, lots of child care facilities can’t fill their job openings. “Programs are actually having to close for the day or for the week, and it’s not because they don’t have children to serve,” said Nina Buthee, executive director of Every Child California, an organization that supports early childhood educators. It’s because they’re short staffed. Buthee says it’s the first time she’s heard of that happening in the 20 years she’s been working on child care issues.

Child care workers earn lower wages than pre-K teachers, who in turn make less than kindergarten teachers, according to data from the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at Berkeley. There are several factors driving the pay gap. 

One is that kindergarten teachers are required to have bachelor’s degrees, whereas child care providers typically are not. But there are less quantifiable factors too. 

“We’ve undervalued and underpaid caregiving” said Kristin Schumacher, a senior analyst at the California Budget and Policy Center, “for as long as it’s been a career choice, and this has sexist and racist roots that can be traced back to slavery.”

The lower pay for child care workers also creates a racial pay disparity among early childhood educators, since Black and Latino women are more likely to work with infants and toddlers than their white peers, says Montoya. Researchers at the Berkeley center calculated that nationally, Black early educators are paid on average $0.78 less per hour than their white counterparts.

The wages are so low that many child care workers have side gigs or second jobs to make ends meet. Muhammad wrote a book about child care and also works as a consultant, advising other providers. She now makes about half of her income from those other endeavors.

Tonia McMillian, who owns a family child care business in Bellflower and was active in the effort to unionize child care workers, also teaches CPR classes and runs a catering business. At one point, she said, she was paying her staff minimum wage but only making $4.15 per hour herself, after covering all the costs of running the business. “Something (is) wrong with that picture,” she said.

The low wages also mean that child care workers end up on public assistance. In 2018, the Berkeley center found that 58% of child care workers families’ in California are on one or more public assistance programs, like CalFresh.

One way or the other, there’s public money going to child care workers, says Gemma DiMatteo, research director for California Child Care Resource and Referral Network. “It’s through these social support services, or you could just fund the child care and make sure that the staff is getting paid adequately.”

One factor holding down child care providers’ low wages: the state reimbursement rate for care to low and moderate income families. The state uses two rates, depending on the subsidy program. One, known as the regional market rate, is used to subsidize care for parents who have lower incomes and are working or seeking employment. That rate isn’t based on what it costs to provide high quality child care and pay staff well — it’s based on a state study of what child care providers in different regions charge families. But the market rate isn’t necessarily representative of how much child care providers actually need; it reflects what they think they can reasonably charge parents who are already, in many cases, paying more than they can afford

The regional market rate also is often out-of-date. The state conducts the market analysis every couple of years; right now, California is reimbursing some child care providers based on numbers from 2018. 

Muhammad said that for her, even that 15% increase the home-based child care providers union negotiated won’t make a meaningful difference.

Child care has been underfunded for so long, said Buthee, director of Every Child California, that rate increases need to be huge to make a difference. Making the system whole in California would cost about a billion dollars, she continued. “When you look at the budget it’s like ‘whoa whoa whoa, that’s too much money’” she said, but “that’s just how much it costs to catch up.”

Harmit Pabla, who owns Genius Kids, a child care center in Sacramento County that serves more than 100 kids, has had six of his staff of 16 leave over the last year. Three left for reasons directly related to the pandemic and three found different jobs, including at Amazon and Walmart distribution centers. Those companies offered slightly better benefits, said Pabla. As large corporations, they have more buying power to negotiate lower rates with insurance companies. “We can’t compete with the big boys,” Pabla said. 

He’s getting inquiries from parents about openings, but he said he’s not accepting more children because he can’t find staff.

Across California, 77% of early childhood educators surveyed identify wages as the main recruitment challenge. But unlike other industries, where business owners can cover increasing wages by raising prices, lots of child care owners know their customers — parents — can’t afford to pay more. 

While kids are heading back to in-person school and the coronavirus delta variant appears to be in decline, California’s child care system is not in the clear. The survey by the National Association for the Education of Young Children found that 47% of respondents in California were considering leaving their program or closing their home child care location within the next year. 

That may be especially true for workers who had just gotten their start before the virus made the job more risky and complicated. 

“Will we lose those excited new educators who could have gone on to become really seasoned, amazing contributors to the field?” asked Krista Olson, a research and policy associate at the Berkeley Center for the Study of Child Care Employment. 

McMillian, who is 62, hopes to retire from child care soon. “It’s extremely hard to walk away, especially if you don’t have a nest egg,” she said. She’s started working as a child care consultant, and just signed a lease on space to open a sports bar. 

Muhammad is planning her exit too. Once she winds down her child care business, she’ll be relying on her other gigs—her consulting, a child care course and book she wrote, a hotline she runs to answer providers’ questions, speaking gigs and more. It will take some time to make sure those projects bring in enough steady income. “I wish it was yesterday,” she said, “but I’m giving myself a year.”

Theater Guild Nearing Dress Rehearsal for Performing Arts Center Building

It scrounged-up curtains from Broadway. It sourced seating that originally came from the Bellagio in Las Vegas. And now, the Scotts Valley Community Theater Guild is nearing completion of a performing arts center at the site of the old roller rink.

It’s taken about $80,000 of concrete work and uncounted hours of volunteer sweat equity to get to this point, according to Guild board member Trish Melehan.

“It’s going to be a cultural hub of the city,” the 70-year-old local arts commissioner of 15 years said, noting their space can accommodate ballet, choral groups and bands with large followings. “We’re going to have seating for up to 500 people.”

And while the group is aiming for a soft-opening social in December, and much of the seismic retrofitting is now visible on the shell of the structure, it’s been a long journey to get here, Melehan explains.

“Our mission was to raise funds to create a performing arts space in Scotts Valley,” she said, noting local groups used to use the theater at Bethany University until it closed in 2011. “Bethany sort of went defunct and they sold to 1440 Multiversity. So that venue was not available anymore.”

When the City purchased the old roller rink building for a new library, it had to figure out what to do with the other half of the building.

“There were various proposals,” Melehan says, looking back to the community discussions around the facility’s future. “The most prominent voices were those that said we need a performing arts center.”

She remembers what it was like to step inside for the first time.

“There was all kinds of stuff in there,” she said, recalling the sunken floor, the kitchen and little cubby holes. “All that had been done was a wall had been put up to separate it from the library.”

In the end, the Guild had to demolish everything and start from scratch.

Over the years the group drummed up several thousand dollars from local arts boosters. That included a $50,000 grant and a $30,000 anonymous donation.

“We’ve raised a lot but it’s taken a long time,” she said, adding they had to assure Council at one point they were still serious about completing the center. “About two years ago they made us sign an official lease.”

The Guild got an architect to put designs together pro bono.

City officials confirmed the group successfully pulled some building permits, although it noted they are currently in the process of renegotiating a new lease.

Board members had high hopes they might attract a generous corporate backer or philanthropist to take up their cause, to turn the space into, say, the “Netflix Center for the Performing Arts.” But that never came to pass.

So, although the group had a relatively grandiose vision at the outset, it’s now proposing a phased roll-out where they would start in a more modest set-up, then improve things over time.

“We decided we had to get more realistic,” Melehan said, noting they’ve rejigged plans to be more flexible for groups that may want to rent the facility. “Everything is portable.”

According to Melehan, after the City allowed a developer to build in Santas Village, and forewent a performing arts center there, it got a million-dollar payout—and promised the Guild around $95,000 towards the Guild’s plans.

“It’s one of the hurdles we had to cross to where we are today,” she said, adding local officials didn’t seem to have faith they could actually manifest the performing arts space. “The City never wanted to give us the money.”

City officials told the group its dream would come with a $2 million price tag (which later ballooned to $4 million), she added.

“They were right about that,” she said, adding they gave the group a couple of years to figure something out. “We modified our plans for a permit.”

Since then, the Guild has been busy as bees banging out all the work that needs to be done to bring Shakespeare, along with more contemporary shows, to Scotts Valley.

Meanwhile, the City is completely overhauling the library space next door, which is expected to include a façade upgrade covering the exterior of the future performance arts venue.

That facility improvement is expected to be completed by next spring.

On the performing arts side, renovations have included moving a door, putting in fire sprinklers and ripping out an old restroom.

The entire layout can be reconfigured at will, making it a great venue for professional presentations, school groups and community gatherings, according to the Guild.

Melehan wonders if maybe they should’ve left the toilets in place, because now one obstacle to opening is figuring out how people can relieve themselves at intermission.

“We’ve had quite a bit of money in the bank, but we’ve been spending it down,” she said, adding they’re doing more fundraising, but would love to see the City pitch in the promised money. “That would be a huge boon to us.”

When asked about the funding arrangement by the Press Banner, the City confirmed it’s agreed to give the group an unspecified amount of money for the performing arts center, but says it’s holding the cash until they see more specifics.

“We want to see what the concept is and how they’d use that money,” said Administrative Services Director Casey Estorga. “We want to support this project.”

Melehan says they’re considering (upscale) porta-potties as a temporary solution to the bathroom issue, and reveals the Guild has been in talks with the high school drama department for a scaled-down Nutcracker performance in December.

Scotts Valley’s Public Works Director Chris Lamm said the City might be more likely to pay the money it owes if the Guild comes up with a long-term solution, instead of just a temporary one.

“From a building-occupancy standpoint, a building has to have restrooms,” Lamm said, confirming portable toilets could satisfy this rule, for a little while anyway. “The City would definitely be looking for something more permanent for the project completion.”

Capitola City Council Awards $174K in Grants to Nonprofits

Capitola nonprofits will see incoming money from the city government.

Nonprofits submitted applications to the city’s Community Grant Program, which awards money to nonprofits each year. After some back and forth, the City decided to award nearly all the nonprofits the total amount of money they applied for, up to $10,000. The remaining money will be given to parks and recreation.

The money comes from the City’s general fund, which provides funds for public services, and a percent that comes from the Transient Occupancy Tax. Altogether, the City had $174,000 to distribute to local nonprofits: $125,000 from the general fund and $49,000 from tax. 

But the City Council was split over how much money to award. Even though the City had enough money to cover the requests from the organizations and still have nearly $20,0000 leftover, council members Jacques Bertrand and Margaux Keiser argued for awarding nonprofits a maximum 7% increase from what they were awarded last year.

Awarding what the organizations requested, the two council members argued at Thursday’s meeting, would set a high precedent for future awards.

“Where do we go from here in the long term, and in the years to come? Is it setting us up for this position of like, ‘oh, well, they had the money last year,’” said council member Keiser. 

But Capitola Mayor Yvette Brooks pushed back, saying it’s this kind of scarcity thinking that has contributed to the City’s diminishing the amount of money budgeted for the program each year.

“When I started at the city council in 2016, we were awarding $250,000. And now we’re only looking at $125,000, and we’re not even utilizing all those dollars and that really concerns me,” the mayor said. “The further we get away from utilizing those dollars, the further we get away from supporting our social services.”

Council member Kristen Petersen and Vice Mayor Sam Storey also supported giving the organizations the amount they requested, saying that the City has more than enough funds and should distribute the money out.

Betrand and Keiser also said that not many organizations applied for the grants, and they worried some organizations would be excluded from some of these funds.

“There’s a lot of people that were left out of our process, who in the past have made applications and used our donations to further the program,” Bertrand said. “So because they didn’t have that chance, for whatever reason, I don’t want to be able to not be able to give them some money in the future.”

This year, the city received applications from 22 agencies for 24 programs. Last year, the city received applications from around 30 organizations.

But since there would be leftover cash, said Brooks, it’s important to award the organizations that did come forward.

“We should be funding all of these requests, because we can,” she said. “They are fulfilling social needs, and we have the money.”

Police Committee Releases Recommendations

WATSONVILLE—The Watsonville City Council on Tuesday heard the results of a roughly year-long endeavor sparked by the calls for police reform and social equity stemming from last year’s slaying of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police.

The Ad-Hoc Committee on Policing and Social Equity (ACH), a coalition of 12 Watsonville residents, three city council members and three police officers, relayed its recommendations that it hopes the City Council will implement in the near future. The ultimate goal of the recommendations: improve the Watsonville Police Department, strengthen the agency’s relationship with the community it serves and address the social issues that experts say create crime.

Created by then-Mayor Rebecca Garcia and now retired police chief David Honda, the committee set out to examine the relationship between its police department and residents, championing the effort as a community-wide endeavor that would give everyone in Santa Cruz County’s southernmost city a chance to share their experiences with WPD.

Over the course of more than 30 meetings and community workshops, the committee heard from everyday citizens, nonprofit leaders and community activists, among others. They also had difficult conversations with each other and came to a compromise, several committee members who spoke during Tuesday’s meeting said. 

“I think it was a bold idea to even have this conversation, to even engage the community about something that has just torn our nation apart and caused people to take sides,” said committee member Eric Sturm. “That idea that we’re going to put 15 or 20 people in a room, virtually, … to have that conversation and have those really, really tough conversations about what is a priority, which leads to other questions, which leads to other questions, which leads to personal values and examination of those values and being honest. We did that.”

The committee made nine recommendations. Five of them were identified as “immediate” changes, two were considered “long-term” plans and the final two were guides to “ongoing work”: 

Immediate

  • Mental Health and Police Involvement: Commit to working with Santa Cruz County Mental Health and other partners to develop a multi-jurisdictional mental health services plan to enhance the coordination and quality of care and response.
  • Police Oversight and Transparency: (1) Develop a formal process for police oversight by working with experts in oversight models to structure the best process for the City and (2) develop ongoing community oversight of the recommendations.
  • Develop and Increase Programs for Youth and Families: Develop programs and services that keep youth away from trouble. In order to achieve this goal, it is recommended that the City consider increasing its investments in youth and family-centered programs.
  • Ensure Budgets Align with Community Needs: Watsonville should conduct a professional assessment of the current WPD budget and operations to determine if the current level of funding and range of services is sufficient to meet community needs and to determine if funding or services allocated for police could be restructured either within the WPD itself or to other programs in the City budget.
  • Training and Hiring of Police Officers: Continue to augment the amount of training received by officers beyond the state-mandated training. The Committee is particularly interested in ensuring that officers receive discretionary training that supports officers’ ability to respond to community needs. The following subjects include a list of training topics that the AHC is interested in including during the discretionary training dates: 
    1. Managing the needs of those who are mentally ill 
    2. De-escalation training as well as training on how to manage high stress, split-second decisions. 
    3. Implicit bias 
    4. Trauma-informed care 
    5. Stress management and Mindfulness-Based Stress Reduction 
    6. Annual professional development/training for all WPD staff on diversity, including but not limited to: interacting with the LGBTQ+ community, immigrants, non-English speakers and indigenous population that live in Watsonville. This training should be available for all PD staff, not just officers. 
    7. Annual ethics and code of conduct training and testing 
    8. Civil rights training 
    9. Expert consultant review of intake training as well as ongoing training practices.

Long-Term

  • Traffic Stops and Traffic Safety: (A) WPD engages in a data-driven process that includes experts, other police departments and the community to determine if community service officers could be utilized more broadly at WPD. (B) Using expert support, evaluate social equity in the self-initiated traffic stops by WPD. (C) Reduce the high number of traffic collisions and improve pedestrian safety.
  • Develop Partnership and Collaboration Opportunities: Increase partnership opportunities among city departments, nonprofits and community leaders as a form of community engagement and prevention.

Ongoing Work

  • Community Engagement: continue to engage the community past the acceptance of these recommendations in order to harness the wisdom and voice of the community.
  • Social Equity: City and WPD continue to commit to this process of learning and healing as a community. 

Although the City did not commit to implementing any of these recommendations, many on the council said they will make sure the work begins in the near future. The first move: hiring a new police chief. Watsonville City Manager Matt Huffaker said that should happen before the end of the year.

To view the full report, visit cityofwatsonville.org.

Homeless Hotel Residents Facing Eviction, Brutal Housing Market

WATSONVILLE—David Schartow was a retired ironworker living in Paradise with his young daughter when the 2018 Camp Fire destroyed the entire town, including his home.

Now homeless, Schartow, 64, has since bounced through several temporary shelters, including his current accommodations, the Comfort Inn in Watsonville. That hotel is part of Project Roomkey, a statewide program designed to get senior and medically vulnerable people off the streets and safe from Covid-19.

But with funding for that program expiring at the end of the year, and the Comfort Inn closing at the end of October, some 200 people will soon need to find other places to live.

Schartow is among roughly 20 residents remaining in the hotel as county officials look to find alternative shelter for them. All have been handed eviction notices and must be out by the end of October, he says.

A caseworker recently gave him another three-week stay at another hotel, but he says that merely delays the inevitable. The caseworker has also suggested putting him in a skilled nursing facility, an option he said would mean he couldn’t live with his daughter, now 15.

While most of his fellow residents have been placed, Schartow says his medical problems—he is legally blind and relies on a wheelchair to get around—has made it difficult to find a place that can accommodate him. 

His worst-case scenario, he says, is packing a backpack and a tent.

“I know they’re going to throw me out, and when they do, I’ll just wheel myself down to that creek,” he said, pointing down Airport Boulevard. “If they haven’t found something in three months, they won’t find it in three weeks.”

Santa Cruz County spokesman Jason Hoppin says the county, which administers Project Roomkey through the state, provides a caseworker for every resident who works to find shelter for them. The program also housed people who were displaced by the CZU Lightning Complex fires.

“Our preferred option is to find everyone an affordable, permanent home,” he said. “But our teams will continue working with people toward that goal, even if something is not immediately available at the time of closure.”

The problem, Hoppin says, is not the funding, but the tight housing market that affects everyone who is looking for a place to live, with as many as three dozen people for every available spot.

“There’s so much competition for every space that it’s hard to locate people,” he said. 

Hoppin says that residents are being offered spaces in other hotels, and in emergency shelters.

The county has closed Watsonville Veterans Hall and Santa Cruz Veterans Memorial Building, both of which were housing people experiencing homelessness, as well as the shelter for transition-age youth at Cabrillo College.

Also closed is the shelter at Delaveaga Park, and two hotels in Santa Cruz. One other hotel is still operating in Watsonville.

“We’ve successfully moved probably a couple hundred people out of those closed shelters into other accommodations,” Hoppin said. 

Hoppin says some have opted to live on the street over what the county has to offer.

Allen Schlumbrecht, 47, says he has previously stayed at the Stag Hotel in Watsonville and at the Brookdale Lodge in the Santa Cruz Mountains.

“I’ve sent messages to the chief of police in Watsonville and to [Congressman Jimmy] Panetta,” the former house painter said. “And I’ve not heard back from anyone about what we’re supposed to do. We have to be out of here by 5 o’clock on Friday; I don’t know what’s next.”

Terry Murphy, 67, says he’s been housed at the Comfort Inn for two years. Born in Watsonville, Murphy, a former union carpenter and Watsonville High School graduate (class of 1973), said county officials have lined up an apartment for him in Watsonville. Murphy, who suffers from several medical maladies, says the space will be a welcome relief.

“I’m really looking forward to this,” he said. “I’m supposed to get the key today … I worked hard for a lot of years, and this is where I end up.”

Housing Matters CEO Phil Kramer says that the availability of housing is coupled with the difficulty of finding landlords willing to accept vouchers, when any open apartment can have dozens of hopeful tenants, many of whom are not homeless and have the means to pay their rent in cash. There is no housing specifically set aside for people in programs such as Roomkey, he adds.

In addition, people with housing vouchers often require supportive care, Kramer says.

“It’s all that coming together, which has been a long-term reality and challenge in getting folks housed in this market,” he said. 

He added: “We’re moving as quickly as we can with our permanent supportive housing project.” 

Housing matters recently surpassed its $8 million fundraising goal to raise $9.3 million, which will be used to build 120 studio apartments for medically vulnerable and chronically homeless people, with supportive care on-site.

The project has gained approval from the Santa Cruz Planning Department, and Kramer says construction could begin early next year. 

Homeless advocates are hopeful that Project Homekey, a $1.4 billion state-run program that helps local jurisdictions find long-term housing solutions for homeless people, will solve some of these issues.

Climate Change Became the Central Part of Biden Spending Bill

By Coral Davenport, The New York Times

WASHINGTON — Climate has emerged as the single largest category in President Joe Biden’s new framework for a huge spending bill, placing global warming at the center of his party’s domestic agenda in a way that was hard to imagine just a few years ago.

As the bill was pared down from $3.5 trillion to $1.85 trillion, paid family leave, free community college, lower prescription drugs for seniors and other Democratic priorities were dropped — casualties of negotiations between progressives and moderates in the party. But $555 billion in climate programs remained.

It was unclear Thursday if all Democrats will support the package, which will be necessary if it is to pass without Republican support in a closely divided Congress. Progressive Democrats in the House and two pivotal moderates in the Senate, Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, did not explicitly endorse the president’s framework. But Biden expressed confidence that a deal was in sight.

If enacted, it would be the largest action ever taken by the United States to address climate change. And it would enshrine climate action in law, making it harder to be reversed by a future president.

In remarks Thursday, Biden called it “the most significant investment to deal with the climate crisis that ever happened, beyond any other advanced nation in the world.”

The centerpiece of the climate spending is $300 billion in tax incentives for producers and purchasers of wind, solar and nuclear power, inducements intended to speed up a transition away from oil, gas and coal. Buyers of electric vehicles would also benefit, receiving up to $12,500 in tax credits — depending on what portion of the vehicle parts were made in America.

The rest would be distributed among a mix of programs, including money to construct charging stations for electric vehicles and update the electric grid to make it more conducive to transmitting wind and solar power, and money to promote climate-friendly farming and forestry programs.

The plan would still fall short of the ambitious pledge Biden has made to halve the country’s greenhouse gases, from 2005 levels, by the end of this decade. Scientists say that nations must quickly and deeply cut emissions from burning oil, gas and coal to avert the most harrowing impacts of climate change.

As many of the social spending programs fell by the wayside, the primacy of climate remained during weeks of tense negotiations between the White House and progressive and centrist lawmakers.

Manchin, who played an outsized role in shaping the debate, was able to kill the most powerful mechanism in Biden’s climate plan — a program that would have rewarded power companies that moved from fossil fuels to clean energy, and penalized those that did not. Manchin’s state is a top coal and gas producer, and he has personal financial ties to the coal industry.

But during negotiations, Democratic lawmakers of different political leanings all made climate policy a priority.

Rising Activists and a Sustained Push

Many Democrats said they were newly energized to take on climate change after cascading climate disasters over the past year. Record droughts, flooding, wildfires and heat waves — which scientists said are worsened by climate change — devastated nearly every corner of the country.

Liberals and many moderates in Congress, including vulnerable House members in swing districts, pushed the administration to focus on the issue. One group of moderate House Democrats even suggested that Democrats not worry about offsetting climate spending with tax increases.

There was also a sustained drive inside the administration to elevate the issue. Biden has repeatedly linked cutting emissions to job creation, echoing the views of many of his top economic advisers, like Brian Deese, who heads the National Economic Council. Deese has said he sees the fate of America’s middle class over the coming decades entwined with the country’s ability to dominate the industries powering emissions reduction.

At the same time, a new generation of climate activists has been advising the president on his agenda, and warning lawmakers that they risk losing young voters if they do not act.

Biden seemed to nod at the generational aspect of the crisis Thursday, when he spoke about meeting an electrical worker in Pittsburgh worried that climate change threatened his children’s future. “Folks, we all have that obligation, an obligation to our children and to our grandchildren,” Biden said.

In Congress, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer instructed committees to draft climate change legislation that would meet Biden’s targets to cut emissions.

And Biden has been under growing pressure to demonstrate that the United States, as the country that has fueled climate change by emitting the most greenhouse gases, is taking action when he appears Monday at a pivotal United Nations summit on climate. Showing up empty-handed would damage the United States’ credibility on the world stage.

While advocates for family leave, lower prescription drugs and other policies lobbied hard for their causes, environmentalists felt an intense urgency, given the warnings by the scientific community that the world has only until the end of this decade to make significant cuts in carbon dioxide, methane and other emissions or face a harrowing future.

Kidus Girma, a 26-year-old from Dallas, is one of several activists who have been staging a hunger strike outside the White House and Capitol building for the past nine days to urge passage of climate legislation.

“If you look at the history of how politicians do what they have to on issues like civil rights and climate change, it wasn’t that politicians stepped up to the plate because they wanted to,” Girma said. “But because people forced them to.”

Changing Climate Politics

The push for climate action even by congressional moderates would have been unthinkable a decade ago, when former President Barack Obama tried and failed to enact climate legislation. That measure withered in the Senate after Democrats could not summon enough votes from their own party to bring the bill to the floor for a vote.

“It’s so, so different now,” said Sen. Debbie Stabenow, D-Mich., who served in the Senate when Obama’s climate bill died.

Stabenow, who chairs the Senate Agriculture Committee, said that during the Obama administration, she could not get political support for a climate bill from farmers.

“That’s completely changed today,” she said. “Today, we have every major agricultural group, and food companies, and researchers supporting a climate bill. What I’m hearing now from farmers is, yes, you’re absolutely right, the climate crisis is real. But we need help on what to do about it.”

Like many in her party, Stabenow attributes the new urgency in climate politics to the rise of extreme and deadly weather.

The past two years have only underscored that case: there were 22 climate disasters that cost at least $1 billion each in the United States in 2020, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.

That record is on track to be broken again this year. This summer, the hottest on record in the nation, saw record wildfires devastate large swaths of California and a deadly heat wave bake the Pacific Northwest. Once-in-200-year flash floods killed dozens of people in New York and New Jersey.

The disasters spurred a new awareness of the warming planet among many Americans. And during the 2020 presidential campaign, environmental activists sought to leverage those rising concerns.

In particular, the Sunrise Movement, an activist group, convinced nearly every candidate in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary to endorse the Green New Deal, a plan that would have eliminated the country’s greenhouse gas emissions by the end of the decade. Although Biden didn’t embrace the entire program, he endorsed portions of it.

After Biden clinched his party’s nomination, Varshini Prakash, a co-founder of the Sunrise Movement, joined the team that crafted his climate policy.

“We built a political movement and changed the political weather to make climate the North Star of the Democratic Party,” said Lauren Maunus, advocacy director for Sunrise.

An Early Push

As soon as Democrats on Capitol Hill secured a razor-thin majority in early 2020, their leaders began laying the groundwork for a climate plan.

Schumer had never been a particular champion of climate action.

But that changed when he became the Senate Democratic leader.

“I will fight for a big, bold climate package,” Schumer said in an interview in late 2020. “And as leader, will be focused on assembling a climate package that meets the scale and the scope of the problem.”

Schumer tasked Democrats on the Senate committees responsible for tax policy to craft climate-related tax legislation that could be bundled into a larger budget bill.

Schumer’s staff developed a computer modeling tool to evaluate the impact on emissions of every piece of potential climate legislation. As climate policies were crafted, Schumer’s staff ran them through the program to determine how many tons of greenhouse gas they would eliminate — and as climate policies were dropped, they used the software to quickly identify replacement programs that would achieve similar levels of emissions cuts.

Schumer tasked Ron Wyden, chair of the Senate Finance Committee, to prepare a package of about $300 billion clean energy tax credits that would measurably reduce emissions.

Schumer and other Democrats tried to win Manchin’s support on another critical climate policy: a $150 billion program that would have paid electric utilities to rapidly shut down coal and gas-fired power plants and replace them with wind and solar generators.

But just two weeks from the U.N. climate summit in Scotland, Manchin told the White House that he was opposed to the clean electricity program. At the same time, he demanded that the overall bill be slashed, from $3.5 trillion to roughly $1.5 trillion.

As White House and congressional staffers sought to shrink the package, activists and members of Congress, including Pelosi, insisted that the climate provisions be protected.

This article originally appeared in The New York Times.

County’s Redistricting Process Moves Forward

The Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors on Tuesday got a first look at how the County’s supervisorial districts could be redrawn as the decennial redistricting process nears its end.

During redistricting, jurisdictions use the recent census to see how their populations have grown over the past 10 years, and then redraw the supervisors’ boundary lines to make the populations equal in each district.

Typically, district boundaries are bounded by natural and artificial barriers, streets and county lines.

With a total county population of 271,350, the redistricting procedure is seeking to move the map lines so that each of the county’s five districts has 54,270 residents.

If approved in December, the new map will transfer 491 people in Watsonville’s Apple Hill District from the 2nd to the 4th District. 

In Santa Cruz, new district boundaries transfer 613 people from the 3rd to the 1st District in the area of Brommer Street and East Harbor.

State law mandates a fairly strict protocol for jurisdictions looking to redraw their electoral boundaries. This includes at least four public hearings that are publicized five days in advance. These began in September and will conclude at the end of October. In addition, any draft maps must be made public seven days before they are brought to the Board of Supervisors for adoption. The meetings must be public and must be recorded.

The current phase—line drawing and soliciting comments from the public—will run through December. The public can submit their own maps for consideration until Nov. 2.

The matter will return to the supervisors on Nov. 9 during the regular board meeting, and again on Nov. 16, when the supervisors will consider adopting the final map.

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Halloween in Santa Cruz, 2021

Halloween 2021 in Santa Cruz as seen by photog Tarmo Hannula

Capitola City Council Awards $174K in Grants to Nonprofits

The money comes from the City’s general fund, which provides funds for public services, and a percent that comes from the Transient Occupancy Tax

Police Committee Releases Recommendations

The Ad-Hoc Committee on Policing and Social Equity (ACH) relayed its recommendations that it hopes the City Council will implement in the near future

Homeless Hotel Residents Facing Eviction, Brutal Housing Market

Funding for Project Roomkey, a statewide program designed to get senior and medically vulnerable people off the streets, expires in the end of 2021

Climate Change Became the Central Part of Biden Spending Bill

As the bill was pared down, paid family leave, free community college, lower prescription drugs for seniors and other Democratic priorities were dropped

County’s Redistricting Process Moves Forward

On Tuesday, the Santa Cruz County Board of Supervisors got a first look at how the County’s supervisorial districts could be redrawn
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